Seafarers’ REMITTANCE: Savior of Philippine economy

In overseas employment the discussion of wages does not end in questions like how much or when one will be entitled to it or how much deductions there should be. The issue of wages in overseas employment is more extensive than those questions and the word “remittance” always comes into the picture. Remittance is the amount or portion of the foreign exchange earnings sent by the worker to the Philippines. 

In the Philippines, everyone knows that OFW remittances, including those of Filipino seafarers,  have become the lifeblood of the economy, allowing the country to survive through prolonged political crises and instability. Simply put the country’s economy is saved from eventual collapse by the remittances of Filipinos working and residing overseas. This is a stark reality that all Presidents and their different sets of economic managers know for a fact, and take pains to hide from the general public. The Philippine government, since the time labor export was institutionalized in the Marcos years to the present, cannot do without the remittances of migrant Filipinos and the revenues it derives from the fees that it gets from them before they leave the country.

Comparative Total OFW, Land-Based and Sea- Based Remittances From 2003 to 2010 (In Thousand US$)

	Total OFW	Land-based	Sea-based	Sea-based %
2003	7,578,458	6,280,235	1,298,223	17.13 %
2004	8,550,371	7,085,441	1,464,930	17.13 %
2005	10,689,005	9,019,647	1,669,358	15.61%
2006	12,761,308	10,812,018	1,949,290	15.27 %
2007	14,449,928	12,213,565	2,236,363	15.47%
2008	16,426,854	13,392,301	3,034,553	18.47%
2009	17,348.052	13,947,640	3,400,412	19.60%
2010	18,762,989	14,956,881	3,806,108	20.28%
Source: BSP

                  The Philippines is considered as the major supplier of maritime labor globally. Per Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) data, there were 330,424 Filipino seafarers deployed abroad in 2009 comprising almost 30 percent of the global maritime labor force. Although the number of deployed Filipino seafarers has decreased from 2006 (274,497), 2007 (266,553) to 2008 (261,614), the dollar remittances have been constantly  increasing from US$1.9B in 2006, US$2.2B in 2007 , US$3B in 2008, US$3.4B in 2009 to US$3.8B in 2010. As of 2010, the seabased sector’s remittance comprise at least 20% of the total dollar remittances of OFWs. No specific reason can be identified in the increase in dollar remittance despite the drop of supply globally in 2007 and 2008. But perhaps it is a result of increase in the salaries of the seafarers, on one hand, or the more aggressive “remittance” attitude of the Filipino seafarers, on the other hand.

Comparative Total Seafarer s Deployment and Sea- Based Remittances

From 2003 to 2009 (In Thousand US$)

	Total Seafarers Deployment	Sea-based Remittances	Growth Rate Sea-based
2003	216,031	1,298,223	8.26%
2004	229,002	1,464,930	12.84%
2005	247,983	1,669,358	13.95%
2006	274,497	1,949,290	16.77%
2007	266,553	2,236,363	14.73%
2008	261,614	3,034,553	35.7%
2009	330,424	3,400,412	11.04%
Source: BSP

Under the revised POEA Standard Employment,  the seafarer is required to make an allotment which shall be payable once a month to his designated allottee in the Philippines through any authorized Philippine bank..The agency shall provide the seafarer with facilities to do so at no expense to the seafarer. The allotments shall be paid to the designated allottee in Philippine currency at the rate of exchange indicated in the credit advice of the local authorized Philippine bank. Their “allotments” do not go directly to their beneficiaries but are coursed through their manning agencies as middlemen, who disburse in pesos the seafarer’s monthly earnings to the allottee-family.

The allotment shall be at least eighty percent (80%) of the seafarer’s monthly basic salary. Generally, there are two modes of sending remittances available to seafarers, through formal (banking)  and informal (door-to-door) channels.

a.  Through formal (banking) channels, the seafarer  would bring his/her hard-earned wages in whatever currency to the bank which shall transmit it its branch in the Philippines specified by the seafarer. The inflow of remittances through formal channels are reported by all banks to the Central Bank, that in turn tallies this as part of the country dollar reserves, the same reserves that are used to show the IMF, World Bank and other international funding agencies the country’s capacity to pay its debts

b. On the other hand,  through informal channels (door-to-door) mode  is actually an increasingly extensive network of informal money remitters that is also called the padala system. This system is based on personal couriers (usually friends and relatives) who deliver money door-to-door. In many cases, this mode is faster, cheaper and is more flexible with regard to time and proximity to seafarers  and their dependents, especially in the urbanized areas of the
Philippines.

Efforts to improve on the types and coverage of global remittance networks are giving more overseas Filipinos more opportunities for money transfers using innovative financial services including web-based systems, automated teller machines (ATMs), and reloadable or reusable cash cards. Increased capture of money transfers has also been made possible with the expanded offering of financial products and services to overseas Filipinos by banks and other financial institutions that have established more tie-ups with foreign service providers.

In a sense, the greater proportion of remittances recipients for  saving and investing is good for the economy because the multiplier effects can be significant in the future.  Savings and investments increase the pool of resources available to both households and corporate borrowers for their credit needs. That helps sustain economic activity in the country

A significant new provision in the Migrant and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995, R.A. 8042 ( as amended by R.A. 10022)   is its provision stating that the remittances of  Filpino seafarers  , shall be exempt from the payment of documentary stamp tax. The removal of the documentary stamp tax or DST on all funds wired home by seafarers would help drive down money transfer charges, and put more cash in the pockets of those receiving remittance.

 

A common problem in connection with remittance is the issue on who will be his allottee. An allottee  is any person named or designated by the  seafarer as the recipient of his/her remittances to the Philippines

A wife of a contract worker cannot force the agency to remit to her account more than what is allowed by the worker. What is required by law is to implement and enforce the required inward remittance of the workers’ salaries to the Philippines and not to see whether or not the full amount of the remittance is received by the dependents of its workers. The mandatory remittance required by law does not divest the right of an overseas worker over his hard earned money or earnings. A worker earned salary or wage is his exclusive property; the matter of its disposition is his alone and his employer cannot interfere on how salary should be divided and to whom the salary should go.  The employment contract is the bilateral agreement between the seafarer and his principal, as represented by the manning agency Like any personal property he can freely dispose or give to anybody without other limitations than those provided by law. The law requires the inward remittance of the 80 % of his basic salary to the country, for it contribute to the economy. But not the manner or as to how he will divide nor dispose it. His right to dispose his wage remains in his discretion. 

            One legal recourse of the wife is the filing of a civil case for support. Once the court grants the petition, the said court order should be given to the manning agency and attached to each POEA standard employment contract.  This will serve as a notice to the seafarer that failure to comply will have legal consequence. The manning agency is likewise bound to abide by said order for the allocation in favor of the wife. 

Nevertheless, a Filipino seafarer can be  held criminally liable and be subjected to sanctions due to the act of abandoning his  financial obligation to persons to which he is  obliged by law to support. Under the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act , which was promulgated March 08, 2004, “economic abuse”  can be committed against a woman who is his wife, former wife, or against a woman with whom the person has or had a sexual or dating relationship, or with whom he has a common child, or against her child whether legitimate or illegitimate, within or without the family abode.” 

Popularly known as VAW, the said law defined "Economic abuse" as any act that makes or attempts to make a woman financially dependent which includes, but is not limited to the following:

1. withdrawal of financial support or preventing the victim from engaging in any legitimate profession, occupation, business or activity, except in cases wherein the other spouse/partner objects on valid, serious and moral grounds as defined in

2. deprivation or threat of deprivation of financial resources and the right to the use and enjoyment of the conjugal, community or property owned in common;

If convicted under this law, the seafarer shall be punished by prision mayor, or imprisonment of a minimum of  six years  and one day to a maximum of twelve years.  He shall also shall pay a fine in the amount of not less than One hundred thousand pesos (P100,000.00) but not more than three hundred thousand pesos (300,000.00).   The court may likewise  expedite the process of issuance of a hold departure order once the case is filed. 

My Mexican Shiva and Filipino death beliefs/ superstitions

 I watched last night my third film for his year's  Pelicula Spanish Filmfest 2011 at Greenbelt Cinema, Morirse esta en Hebreo, or My Mexican Shiva.

My Mexican Shivah is about how the death of a man results in the celebration of his life. According to Jewish belief, from the moment a Jew is born, he or she is accompanied by two angels: an angel of light and an angel of darkness. With the passing Moishe (75), his family and friends gather in Mexico City to sit shivah, the 7-day Jewish mourning ritual. The spirit angels, Aleph and Bet, divine accountants, only visible to the camera, watch over the family and calculate which angel will accompany Moishe's soul to the afterlife. The odds are against Moishe from the beginning. Family dysfunction aside, Moishe's friends are all attending for their own motives. And to make matters worse, while performing his duties, a Chevreman, who is a member of the Sacred Funeral Society, is milking the family for all they're worth: charging for kosher food, slippers and various other shivah goods. Emotionally unstable and obsessed with staying young, Moishe's daughter Esther, falls apart; crying over a lost tooth and announcing that she is going to have plastic surgery to fix her entire body immediately after the shivah. Meanwhile, Moishe's son, Ricardo, is attempting to convince a doctor attending the shivah to give his girlfriend an abortion, while his wandering eye leads him to his dead father's lover, Julia Palafox, the notorious mistress for whom Moishe left his family many years earlier. Which angel will win the battle for Moishe's soul? If the shivah reveals anything, it's that Moishe's family and friends loved him with all his flaws and mystery- and most of all his spirit.

 Filipinos have our own version of the film My Mexican Shiva. In  the movie Crying Ladies,  a heartwarming comedy film starring Sharon Cuneta and Angel Aquino,i guess every Filipino could relate the some of the scenes especially during the wake when Eric Quizon, the grieving son, has to relay the story behind the death of his father over and over again to the visitors, from one seat to another as if he is a replay of the previous scene the only difference is the person he was talking to. In DEd na Si Lolo, more than the superstitions, it was absurdly amusing how the family rationalized the traditions and worked their way around them.Yes, there’s fun in funerals. Even in grief, Filipinos never lose our sense of humor. Laughter helps us deal with our loss.In one way, it is good since it can be a form of releasing one's sadness. After having two funerals in two consecutive years, i realized that the said movies presented the "funny" side of death in the family.

SUPERSTITIONS AND BELIEFS RELATED TO DEATH 

 The Filipino daily way of life is encompassed by countless sayings, proverbs, and beliefs. People tend to work around the superstitions even if they were told they may be committing a sin. Many Filipinos believe in superstitions to avoid any negative consequences. They may be true; they may be not. 

-  If a black butterfly lingers around a person, it means that one of his relatives has just died.

- A beautiful flower or candle scent smelled in a home after a death of a beloved, means there's a spirit of the dead visiting who wants the relatives to know he/she's around. Pray for his/her soul

- If one dreams that one of his teeth is being uprooted or pulled out, a member of his family will die.

-  During a wedding the one whose candle goes out first will be the first of the couple to die.

- When a group of three have their picture taken, the one in the middle will die first.

- If a cock crows in the afternoon, it means somebody will die.

- Pregnant women should not have their picture taken; otherwise, their babies will die.

- When a pregnant woman wears a black dress, her baby will die.

-  If a person's shadow appears to be without a head, that person will soon die.

- Cleaning the backyard when the sun has already set and it is already dark causes death.

- If two people from the same family get married within a year, one will die.

- A coffin should be built to fit the corpse; otherwise, a family member of the deceased will soon die.

- Tears must not fall on the dead or on the coffin; this will make the dead person’s journey to the next world a difficult one.
- During a wake, never see your visitors off at the door of the chapel or funeral parlor.
- Do not sweep the house until after the burial.
- After the funeral service, do not go home directly so that the spirit of the dead person will not follow you to your house.
- When a dog is howling, making a spooky cry, it means that death is coming to someone.
- When sending a rosary with the corpse; cut it into pieces. This is believed to hinder anymore tragedy in the family

- If the dead person is a mother/father to an infant or a little child, pick up the child and pass him or her over the coffin, so the spirit won't appear to the child.
- When you are dreaming and a dead person asks you to come along with him/her, DON'T go.
  If a  person  meets a black cat, he will die.

Top 10 Reasons Why There Couldn’t Be a Filipino-American US President

Top 10 Reasons Why There Couldn’t Be a Filipino-American US President  By David Letterman

10. The White House is not big enough for in-laws and extended relatives.
9. There are not enough parking spaces at the White House for 2 Honda Civics,2 Toyota Land Cruisers, 3 Toyota Corollas, a Mercedes Benz, a BMW , and
an MPV (My Pinoy Van).
8. Dignitaries generally are intimidated by eating with their fingers at State dinners.
7. There are too many dining rooms in the White House – where will they put
the picture of the Last Supper?
6. The White House walls are not big enough to hold a pair of giant wooden
spoon and fork.
5. Secret Service staff won’t respond to “psst… psst” or “hoy.hoyhoy!”
4. Secret Service staff will not be comfortable driving the presidential car with a Holy Rosary hanging on the rear view mirror, or the statue of the Santo Nino on the dashboard.
3. No budget allocation to purchase a Karaoke music-machine for every room in the White House.
2. State dinners do not allow “Take Home”.
AND THE NUMBER I REASON WHY THERE COULDN’T BE A FILIPINO-AMERICAN U.S. PRESIDENT IS…
1. Air Force One does not allow overweight Balikbayan boxes!

Simbang Gabi or dawn novena mass

SIMBANG GABI is one of the longest and most popular among the Filipino traditions in the country. It is when Catholic churches across the nation start to open their doors shortly before the break of dawn to welcome the faithful to the Simbang Gabi mass. 

Known as the Misa de Gallo ("Rooster's Mass"), Simbang Gabi or Mass at Dawn is a nine-day novena to the Blessed Mother. The novena begins December 16 as early as 4 in the morning and culminates with the “Misa de Gallo” on Christmas Eve to welcome the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ. In some churches, the panuluyan is reenacted showing the effort of Joseph and Mary to find a suitable birthplace.

Going to Mass this early for nine consecutive days is meant to show the churchgoer's devotion and faith to God as well as to heighten anticipation for the Nativity of Jesus. Popular belief, however, is that the completion of the novena will merit God's granting to the devotee a special wish made by him/her.Many sacrifice to complete the nine-day Masses at dawn because of a “panata,” a promise for a personal petition like making the right decision which man to marry, pass a board exam or secure a US visa.

Families, friends and even individuals find its way going to the nearest church to attend the nine-day novena. Shortly after the misa de gallo, families gather in their homes to celebrate Noche Buena and feasted on various delicacies like queso de bola, bibingka, puto bungbong, or a drink of salabat or hot chocolate.

Simbang Gabi traces its roots in Mexico when, in 1587, the Pope granted the petition of Fray Diego de Soria, prior of the convent of San Agustin Acolman, to hold Christmas mass outdoors because the Church could not accommodate the huge number of people attending the evening mass. During the old times, the pre-dawn mass is announced by the ringing of the church bells. In some rural areas, an hour before the start of Simbang Gabi, a brass band plays Christmas music all over the town. It is also believed that parish priests would go far knocking on doors to wake and gather the faithful to attend the misa de gallo. Farmers as well as fishermen wake up early to hear the Gospel before going to their work and ask for the grace of good harvest.

Over the years, Filipinos communities have made some changes in the celebration of Simbang Gabi, some urban parishes now celebrates Misa de Gallo around 8- 9 in the evening in order to accommodate the needs of the members of the community who have different work schedules.

 Regretfully, some people go to the Dawn Masses after a night out, drunk and noisy, dragged off to church by the barkada only to end up snoring in the pews, in which case it’s Simbang Tulog. It’s been observed, too, that the Misa de Gallo has become a trysting occasion for lovers because at dawn it’s dark and cool; in which case, it’s Simbang Ligawan.

piko

On my way home, i passed by a street where i saw a group of kids playing  a traditional pinoy game called "Piko". I then reminisced my childhood days when i used to play the game with my cousins since we dont have any hitech gadgets that time like video games. We only have each other's company and  slippers, lata, lubid (rope) , chalk, and what have you.

In Philippine society, playing games is an important part of growing up. Some games are challenging. Some are daring. Some are physical, some are intellectually stimulating. However we play games though -- as a group or a team, games teach us sportsmanship. If you think about it, we enjoyed and played those games for many years when we were young without any referees or umpires. As kids, we made the rules and we abide by the rules. We call that "honor system" or "Sa Diyosan. As part of Filipino pastime, specially in the rural areas and during moonlit nights, the neighborhood gathers and shares games in the plazas, open areas, and main roads, trying different sets of games and interacting with each other as part of their recreation, socialization, and relaxation after a hard day's work.

I seldom see kids nowadays play traditional games like 'Piko' or buan-buan which  is the local equivalent of hopscotch, a playground game involving a diagram divided into sections, drawn on the ground with usually chalk or charcoal. Players hop from section to section. The game is for two to eight players.

The succession of turns is determined by aiming markers (usually a flat stone or a fruit peeling) at the center of the diagram. The player whose marker lands closest to the center will go first, followed by the second-closest, then the third-closest, and so on.
The diagram varies. Usually, the more players there are, the more complex the diagram and the sections are numbered or labeled to indicate the correct order in which the players are to hop. The first player starts by throwing his marker at the initial section. He then hops onto the section and kicks his marker to the next designated section. The player continues this process until he gets to the final section. Some games require the player to retrace his hops back to the start or for players to hop across other players' paths. At any time a player's marker touches a line, or when any part of his body touches a line, he surrenders the turn to the next player. The first player to complete the diagram wins.

Some games have another part after the first, apparently to extend playing time. This part has the players looking towards the sky then throwing his marker on the diagram. Without looking, he must walk across the diagram to fetch his marker without touching any lines. This stage is intentionally more difficult to give the other players a chance to catch up.
The game penalizes losers with the same choice of punishments shared by many street games, such as putting powder, liptick, or charcoal on the losers' faces, slapping the palms of the losers, or having the player who performed the worst look for his marker after the others have hidden it.